The America During Trump's Second Term Feels Strangely Familiar to Observers from the East

As the standup comedian, an emerging comedic talent, takes her platform in New York, she's not just thinking about what humor to tell. She also carefully considers which topics to steer clear of. “I refrain from openly attacking the government,” she stated. Or if she does, she ensures it's not recorded for social media. “I'd never publicly share material in which I openly disparage authorities … I believe it's a habit acquired back home.”

Wang, 39, lived in Shanghai for almost ten years, departing in that year. By 2025, she moved to America. Upon arrival, she embarked on a frenzy of “overindulging on democracy,” attending lectures, demonstrations, and exploring New York’s library system.

However in the year after Donald Trump was elected for the second time, there's been a noticeable shift in the environment, she says. “Back home, I knew the boundaries, while in the US I'm standing on unstable ground.”

Her fears reflect a new climate in America which numerous individuals from China, or people who have lived in the country, find disturbingly familiar. Enemies face exclusion. The president demands absolute loyalty. Journalists are targeted. Institutions are attacked.

Trump has not been shy about his admiration for Xi Jinping, the nation's authoritarian figure. He has described Xi as “fantastic”. When they reached a brief ceasefire in the trade war recently, the bonhomie between both figures of countries with diametrically opposed political systems was evident. And after decades of hope in the US that closer ties with the East may help the rising power to liberalise, in the current administration, it seems as if America is being pulled in the Chinese direction, rather than the other way around.

“The United States is undergoing an era of cultural revolution,” stated a constitutional law expert, a professor at Peking University. “The top leader, Trump, is attempting to rally the masses in order to sideline or undermine established figures … reminiscent of what happened in the country decades past.”

Ever since Trump unleashed the so-called Department for Government Efficiency, or Doge, on federal institutions at the start in office, numerous Chinese observers have viewed American governance through the lens of China's historical period. Whether it is the mobilisation of the youth to execute the leader’s will, or cleansing organizations of those deemed opposition, the president from a Chinese viewpoint has delivered disorder reminiscent of Mao to America, though without equivalent degrees of violence.

But after the turmoil of the early months of the new administration has calmed, a new, distinct type of political atmosphere has settled in the country, which variously also feels recognizable to many Chinese people.

‘The Lighthouse Has Become Less Bright’

The most profound parallel between Trump’s America and China is the crackdown on open expression.

Deng Haiyan, now a Chinese Communist party critic, found himself in a controversy this year, the likes of which he once faced in his homeland. Deng has lived in America for several years, having fled the country because of pressure from the authorities.

In September, following the passing of Charlie Kirk, he posted that the individual was “despicable”. Similar to others nationwide – many of whom were fired as a result of expressing criticism about Kirk – Deng faced a huge backlash. Relatives had personal info leaked and he was accused of espionage attempting to divide the US.

“This incident was a real shock. I never imagined such a thing could happen in America – something that should only happen in a repressive state,” Deng said.

His backlash originated from fellow social media users, rather than the state, but such of public monitoring also has similarities with the East.

“In terms of going after dissenters and starting to surveil public speech on topics deemed controversial … It's appearing in the US,” noted Maria Repnikova, a scholar at Georgia State University. “This is that you see in the East now as well,” she added, adding that concerns are rising in America of students reporting on educators, a type of monitoring that has been encouraged by Chinese authorities.

The professor, the Peking University law professor, explained that liberal Chinese intellectuals such as him used to look to America for ideals, in part because openly discussing domestic politics in the country is risky. But now, “America isn't a god for progressive Chinese. America’s image has worsened across the board.”

“We once viewed the US as the symbol of constitutional democracy, but after Trump took power, that guide appears dimmer”.

Chinese liberals, who are often, at least in private, critical of the nation's governance, are increasingly finding it more acceptable than America’s, he stated. “It's somewhat painful to accept this reality … but post-COVID, the government appears to be pursuing correct policies in improving the environment and promoting EVs and investing in hi-tech,” Zhang said, while “Western nations, exemplified by the United States, appear in decline.”

The Trump administration’s purchase of shares in US companies has prompted parallels with the East, where the line between government and private industry is often blurred.

Recently, the US government announced it would become an investor in a new company focused on mineral refinement, following similar stakes in other companies deemed essential for national security. The deals have made certain stakeholders concerned that the US is embarking on a fresh phase of state intervention in the private sector.

There are still major differences between the US under Trump and China. In October, several news organisations among others refused to sign to a Pentagon policy that demanded reporting solely on government-authorised information. American judiciary have blocked or overturned numerous presidential measures, something that is impossible in China’s party-dominated legal system.

Isaac Stone Fish, who established of a consulting firm, a China-focused advisory firm, said: “The United States could descend into the worst crisis of its history, far more severe than it is now, and it would remain more free, open, and more liberal than China under Xi.”

Zhang notes that although many intellectuals in the country were surprised to see American colleges yield to official requests regarding diversity and inclusion practices and open discourse on university grounds, in the East, the top universities are publicly controlled by default. Administrators, who are appointed by the government, “have no liberty refuse. They can’t afford defy orders.”

Nevertheless, people in the US are starting to take precautions that were once associated with more authoritarian countries. One professor at an American college once vocal on US-China issues declined to be interviewed for this piece. He stated: “The truth is, I fear of the censorship in the US: I genuinely feel more comfortable to criticise Xi now than say anything bad